Meyer's Housing Plan Repeats Past Government Failures and Waste

Governor Matt Meyer’s bold pledge to ensure every Delawarean has a roof over their head sounds noble. Who wouldn’t want to end homelessness and make housing affordable? But his approach, unveiled just days into 2025, leans on tired, government-heavy tactics that promise much and deliver little. Fast-tracking permits for affordable housing and aiming to slash homelessness might win applause, but the plan sidesteps the real issues driving Delaware’s housing crunch.

The governor’s team touts the Delaware Interagency Collaborative to End Homelessness, a shiny new initiative targeting a 50 percent drop in homelessness and an end to youth homelessness in five years. Ambitious? Sure. Realistic? Hardly. This isn’t a fresh idea; it’s a rehash of decades-old promises dressed up in new jargon. Delaware’s history, from the 1968 State Housing Authority to 2021’s rental aid programs, shows a pattern: big plans, bigger budgets, and stubborn problems that refuse to budge.

What’s worse, Meyer’s focus on speeding up permits and throwing money at housing projects ignores the deeper forces at play. Skyrocketing rents, stagnant wages, and restrictive zoning laws aren’t fixed by bureaucratic task forces or lofty goals. They demand practical, market-driven solutions that empower communities, not more state control. Delawareans deserve better than another round of feel-good policies that pad government resumes while leaving families struggling.

The stakes are high. With nearly 50,000 applicants flooding Delaware’s public housing waitlists in February 2025, the need is undeniable. But need alone doesn’t justify flawed solutions. Meyer’s plan risks repeating the mistakes of the past, piling on costs and red tape while failing to address the root causes of homelessness and housing scarcity.

Meyer’s strategy banks on the idea that government can engineer its way out of the housing crisis. History begs to differ. Since the 1937 U.S. Housing Act birthed public housing, federal and state programs have poured billions into affordable units, yet the nation faces a shortage of 6.8 million homes for low-income renters. Delaware’s own efforts, like the 2020 hotel conversions for emergency shelters, burned through CARES Act funds but barely dented the problem. Why? Because top-down approaches rarely deliver.

Take the Housing First model, a cornerstone of Meyer’s allies’ philosophy. It insists on giving people homes without requiring sobriety or mental health treatment. Studies show it can help some, like veterans, with over 50 percent reductions in chronic homelessness. But it’s no silver bullet. By ignoring addiction and behavioral issues, it risks enabling dependency, trapping people in a cycle of instability. The Trump administration’s Project 2025 agenda rightly calls this out, pushing for treatment-first policies that prioritize accountability over handouts.

Then there’s the cost. The Biden administration’s 2025 budget proposed $10 billion for homelessness programs, a 11 percent hike from 2023. Sounds generous, but HUD’s Homeless Assistance Grants, the federal backbone, still fall short, leaving 18,500 households without services. Delaware’s own task force report in April 2025 admitted that zoning reforms and tenant protections alone won’t close the gap. Pouring more money into broken systems doesn’t fix them; it just bloats the bureaucracy.

Opponents of Meyer’s plan aren’t heartless. They see the data: homelessness spiked 18 percent nationwide in 2024, with unsheltered rates climbing above 36 percent. Every $100 rent increase fuels a 9 percent rise in homelessness. The answer isn’t more government spending or rushed permits. It’s unleashing the private sector and local communities to build smarter, faster, and cheaper.

Delaware doesn’t need another task force or bloated collaborative. It needs policies that work. Start with zoning reform, but not the half-measures Meyer’s team proposes. Minneapolis slashed single-family zoning in 2018, tripling multifamily production and stabilizing rents within seven years. Houston cut minimum lot sizes, unlocking 80,000 townhouses. Delaware could follow suit, scrapping restrictive land-use rules that choke supply and drive up costs. By-right approvals and density bonuses would let builders meet demand without endless red tape.

Next, empower local communities. Project 2025’s push for block-grant funding is spot-on. It gives states and towns the flexibility to tailor solutions, whether through faith-based shelters or job training programs. Unlike federal subsidies that breed dependency, local initiatives foster accountability and innovation. Delaware’s nonprofits and churches are already doing the heavy lifting; give them the tools, not more state oversight.

Finally, prioritize treatment over enablement. Homelessness isn’t just a housing problem; it’s often tied to addiction and mental health crises. Mandating sobriety and counseling as conditions for aid isn’t cruel; it’s compassionate. It offers a path to stability, not a revolving door of shelters. Delaware’s leaders should reject Housing First dogma and embrace policies that address the whole person, not just their address.

Governor Meyer’s housing push is a well-intentioned misstep. It leans on outdated ideas, inflates costs, and sidelines the market and local communities. Delawareans deserve a plan that tackles the housing crisis head-on: deregulate zoning, empower towns, and demand accountability from those receiving aid. These aren’t radical ideas; they’re proven solutions grounded in evidence and common sense.

The clock is ticking. With rents climbing and homelessness surging, Delaware can’t afford another decade of empty promises. It’s time to trust markets, communities, and individuals to build a future where every family can thrive, not just survive. Let’s ditch the grand plans and get to work.